Mohsen Banijamali; Soheyla Sadeghi Fasaee
Abstract
This article, based on a qualitative method, and by using semi-structured interviews, seeks to find out how young people attribute themselves to a particular class and how they define their social class. The sample includes 25 single and married young people of different ages, with various class origins. ...
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This article, based on a qualitative method, and by using semi-structured interviews, seeks to find out how young people attribute themselves to a particular class and how they define their social class. The sample includes 25 single and married young people of different ages, with various class origins. The study states that, from the youth's point of view, class consists of social and cultural aspects. This makes the class interpretable, in such a way that the same situations create different class judgments. This is reinforced by the fact that young people still are not independent and therefore, without a stable job status, define their class position through family features with symbolic and cultural criteria. Similarly, since the classification of young people is built on distinct definitions, it does not create separate social generalities. The result is an ambiguity in classification practices and lack of class boundaries in the lives of the youth. Class ambiguity causes young people to not find a common understanding of their social situation. These procedures motivate young people to subjectively attribute a more pre-eminent class position to themselves and thereby overestimate their ability to shape their biographies. This leads to the delusion of an agency in which young people feel they are building their future. It can be interpreted as an epistemological fallacy in young people's perception of their world that could mislead them toward being guilty of their failures.
SeyyedMohsen Banijamali; Soheyla Sadeghi Fasaee
Volume 20, Issue 51 , June 2021, , Pages 9-34
Abstract
This study seeks to find how young people express barriers to their marriage by using the qualitative method. Information obtained from 25 semi-structured interviews. The outcome shows that an important issue in preventing young people from getting married is unemployment, which reduces the confidence ...
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This study seeks to find how young people express barriers to their marriage by using the qualitative method. Information obtained from 25 semi-structured interviews. The outcome shows that an important issue in preventing young people from getting married is unemployment, which reduces the confidence in running a post-marriage life. Uncertain fate is another obstacle that arises due to the unpredictability of life trajectories. Meanwhile, the family's inability to support their young people's marriages is another obstacle that increases the severity of the problem. Another significant obstacle to marriage is the prolongation of the transitional period that we analyze as "the transitional trap". The rush hour of life is another factor that prevents young people from getting married. An essential issue that women suggest is the fear of not being elected. The anxiety of restricting young people's freedom is another issue that participants propose. These circumstances create a situation in which young people prefer making relationships outside the marriage. This matter in the marriage atmosphere arouses mistrust to opposite sexes and develops the fear of getting married. In some cases, participants suggested unfamiliarity with marriage and married life as another obstacle to marriage. Finally, some participants stated that marriage became an unreachable task.
Soheyla Sadeghi Fasaee; Mohsen Banijamali
Volume 18, Issue 44 , September 2019, , Pages 167-192
Abstract
This qualitative study, by semi-structured interviews and based on young people's views, is to know how young people and their families, in interactions with each other, manage young people's marriages. Sample consists of 25 young peoples who are men and women, married and unmarried, and also from different ...
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This qualitative study, by semi-structured interviews and based on young people's views, is to know how young people and their families, in interactions with each other, manage young people's marriages. Sample consists of 25 young peoples who are men and women, married and unmarried, and also from different ages and classes. Selection procedure is information-oriented and designed based on maximum variation and extreme cases. The research shows that the main burden of young people's marriages is on the shoulder of the family. It is enforced by traditional family roles in managing young people's marriages, as it is paralleled by, and accumulated with, new responsibilities, which are related to managing young people's educational aspirations and also their efforts for making an independent life. Since family does not have enough resources and simultaneously have to cope with different tasks, it inevitably would be faced with an unbearable and exhaustive situation, in addition to, probable pressure and intensified and increased inequality. The study also shows that relationships between young people and their families in managing marriages are based on reciprocal actions and also flexible interactions. Parents accept young people's right to make decisions and conduct their marriages, whereas young people, instead of rewarding family supports, embrace traditional procedures and acknowledge family interferences. This means that, whereas young people reflexively manage their marriages, families have beneficially remained efficient in supporting modern marriage processes. On these bases new order in managing young people's marriages is under construction.
Soheila Sadeghi Fasaii; Mohsen Banijamali
Volume 15, Issue 34 , September 2016, , Pages 195-219
Abstract
This article focuses on three issues. At first, it concentrates on marriage requirements from young people's point of view. Then, it emphasizes on strategies by which young people face with marriage. Furthermore, the article continues with researching on how young people percept marriage requirements ...
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This article focuses on three issues. At first, it concentrates on marriage requirements from young people's point of view. Then, it emphasizes on strategies by which young people face with marriage. Furthermore, the article continues with researching on how young people percept marriage requirements and how young people make their decisions on marriage.
In this qualitative inquiry information has been gathered through structured interviews. Interviews have been transcribed and changed to texts and then analyzed by thematic accounts.
Sample consists of single and married men and women from different classes. Their ages are between 20 up to 40.
Based on interviewees accounts marriage requirements are summarized in three categories which are materialistic, non-materialistic and social. These requirements are transformable and can change to each other. Although young people from different classes point to materialistic requirements, lower classes are more inclined to them. Sticking to non-materialistic requirements is seen more repeatedly in middle and upper classes. As a result marriage requirements for middle and upper classes are more subjective and for lower classes are more objective.
In referring to marriage requirements women are more inclined to subjective or non-materialistic issues whilst men are more interested in objective or materialistic issues. Also for women, existence of a person who wants to marry her is the most important issue in marriage requirements.
Yong people strategies in encountering marriage are rooted in two modes of marriage: un-predictable or all at once marriage and predictable or planned marriage.
Interviewee's accounts indicate that young people strategies in encountering marriage are under the influence of gender. In this stance marriage for women in comparison with men are more un-predictable. Therefore their strategies for encountering marriage are more flexible and even liquid.
Supremacy of flexible procedures in marriage encountering strategies shows that young people benefit from both planned and casual or contingent arrangements. They have learned how to be flexible and how to mix planning and contingency. In this setting, indeed, class is the main determinant factor. Upon it upper classes emphasize on individual modes of decision making, consist of planning and making life guideline procedures, whereas lower classes rely on chance and luck.
Findings indicate although young people accept their responsibility for marriage procedures, but they yet are under the influence of structural factors, like class and gender. This means young people face a paradoxical situation in which they cannot afford marriage procedures but without doubt they acknowledge their responsibility for those procedures. Based on sociological perspectives this situation is defined as an epistemological fallacy in late modernity. In this account although they do not have power to manage their marriages but they accept their responsibility for managing marriage procedures.